frontline 10
Editorial - Unions Rewrite the Rulebook
By Richie Venton, SSP national workplace organizer
'Historic' is an overplayed term on the left. But the 130,000 votes for the Scottish Socialist Party and the decision at RMT national conference to open up its political funds to the SSP are both dramatically historic. The struggle for socialism in Scotland has entered a new, higher phase, with the possibility that the RMT breach with New Labour could be the pebble that starts an avalanche of union moves towards the SSP.
Neither decision fell from the sky. They are, of course, in part the products of New Labour's naked abandonment of trade union principles, let alone socialism. They are the fruits of the strategic project of building the SSP as a unified, class-struggle combat party of socialism. Both are rooted in years of systematic, energetic campaigning on the fighting socialist policies of the SSP, on issues and language workers relate to. They are rooted in a conscious orientation and emphasis on SSP activity in the unions and workplaces, resisting pressures to concentrate solely on 'easier', 'quicker' aspects of political struggle. They flow from years of acts of solidarity with workers in struggle; campaigning on issues like privatisation and workplace rights; the impact of the SSP's principled and tactically skilful role in the FBU dispute; our courageous opposition to imperialist war; our energetic activity in workplaces before, during and since the Scottish parliament elections. In turn the electoral breakthrough further jet-propelled the SSP through credibility barriers in the eyes of organised trade unionists, including some of the most courageous socialist union leaders, like Bob Crow (RMT) and Mark Serwotka (PCS).
It would be a fatal blunder to imagine we have 'done the business' now the RMT conference agreed that if Scottish RMT branches request it, the RMT executive will support affiliation to the SSP. Now the task of SSP members in the RMT is to combine with others, particularly Bob Crow himself, to campaign for affiliation amongst the membership throughout the branches. Anything short of persuading the union's rank and file would be a shortcut to a cul-de-sac; an arrangement at the top of the union that would amount to very little. The primary aim of union affiliations to the SSP is to strengthen immeasurably the connection between the party and workers on the front line of struggle, at workplace level, with a direct input to SSP structures and decisions from organised trade unionists.
Drawing on historical experiences, it took years of class conflict, plus the impact of international events such as the Russian revolution, to fully separate the bulk of trade unionists from the Liberals and forge Labour as a mass-based political wing of the unions. It will require further major collisions between workers and New Labour in government to assist the creation of a mass SSP with powerful roots in the workplaces and unions. The FBU dispute was undoubtedly a decisive turn in that direction.
However, we must also be clear we are not involved in the refoundation of Old Labour. The SSP is an infinitely more advanced socialist formation than Old Labour ever was, with a leadership and membership fully united in the aim of overturning capitalism root and branch, with the undiluted goal of a democratic socialist society based on public ownership and working class control of major industry, banks, construction, transport, energy, North Sea oil.
Old Labour was - in its best days - a federation of competing forces and ideologies, ranging from Marxists to out-and-out pro-capitalist leaders. In government it was the capitalist wing of Old Labour which predominated, for example using troops to attack FBU strikers in 1977-8; ushering in anti-union laws a decade before Thatcher did; implementing savage public spending cuts at the behest of the IMF in 1977-9.
These are critical issues facing trade unionists today. The left have won a series of union election victories in a sweeping rejection of New Labour's record of privatisation, poverty pay and punishing anti-union laws. Virtually nobody tainted by association with Blair has succeeded in winning election to national union positions. The left successes in the TGWU and PCS are the latest manifestation of this move towards more fighting and accountable union leaders.
Differentiation between left union leaders within the so-called Awkward Squad is gathering pace around the question of political representation for trade unionists. In contrast to the open support for the SSP by Mark Serwotka and Bob Crow, others such as Tony Woodley (TGWU), Derek Simpson (AMICUS), Billy Hayes (CWU) are joined up with the Socialist Campaign Group of left Labour MPs in calling on trade unionists to 'Save Our Party' � to reclaim Labour from the Blairites and restore it to 'core labour and trade union values'. But replacing Blair with Brown, Cook, Hain or some other diluted devotee of market capitalism would be an exercise in swapping deckchairs on the Titanic. Parties represent classes and their interests, not just the whims of individuals.
Those left union leaders who call for reclaiming New Labour, for the refoundation of Old Labour, are harbouring dangerous illusions. The structures for trade unionists to transform New Labour policies have been blown to smithereens. Conference decisions are routinely ignored by the leadership. Workers aren't joining Labour; traffic is in the opposite direction.
Those left union leaders focusing on reclaiming Labour include some genuinely seeing this as the only realistic route, given the weakness and division on the left outside Labour in England. It has to be said they are dodging their own historic duties in forging a viable socialist alternative to New Labour in England; and there is no excuse for them not allowing their Scottish branches affiliating to the already-viable SSP. But 'reclaim Labour' advocates also includes those such as Dave Prentis (UNISON) who are dragging the union towards New Labour, and who willingly act as trade union camouflage for cosmetic changes to New Labour's image, in the hope they can rescue them from meltdown.
The battle for genuine political representation of the working class has entered new territory, with the SSP positioned to recruit thousands more individual trade unionists plus gain the direct, collective affiliation of trade unions. This would help shift the balance of forces in favour of workers in the workplaces, giving them an articulate, organized voice, as well as helping to re-shape the unions into fighting instruments of resistance to capitalism.
There is no way the struggle for socialism can by-pass the need to build a mass socialist party rooted first and foremost in the working class. The SSP is poised to forge ahead in that direction.
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